It’s not entirely surprising that no sooner had Stormont got back up and running that Leo Varadkar would call an election in the Republic. Indeed, it signals the type of message he and the rest of Fine Gael wish to centre their election campaign around: we’re the party of government, the party that gets stuff done (unless of course, you’re talking about solving the housing crisis).

Fine Gael will go into this election seeking to shield themselves from multiple issues, with the restoration of Stormont, alongside the party’s steadfast co-operation with the EU during Brexit negotiations, being one part of that shield. The party’s focus on the economy will also be a key part of their campaign, particularly the unemployment numbers which have been steadily decreasing over the past few years; it could be argued that on a macro-level at least, Fine Gael have ‘steadied the ship’ after the near economic freefall seen during the 2008 financial crash.

In spite of this however, after nine years of Fine Gael in government, many voters may be seeking a change. From 2014 onwards, house prices and rents (the latter especially) have risen to extortionate levels; Dublin is one of the most expensive cities in which to live, topping the list for cities inside the Eurozone. A job is fantastic, but for many it’s becoming increasingly difficult to rent without a sizeable chunk of their wages being taken away by landlords and property speculators.

The situation in health is no better; Enda Kenny’s (now infamous) ‘I’ll end the scandal of patients on trolleys’ poster now appears akin to something of a cruel joke, with current health minister Simon Harris spared the possible embarrassment of losing a confidence vote due to the calling of the election.

Many predict the governing party will lose seats, most especially across Dublin where the Green Party – whose vote surged in many Fine Gael-held seats in places like Dun Laoghaire and south Dublin City during last year’s local and European elections – will look to capitalise on a combination of renewed urgency over climate change, rising transport costs and general discontent, especially among younger voters.

For Fianna Fáil on the other hand, this election is almost certainly theirs to lose. Yes, the party has been propping up this Fine Gael government since 2016, but if the party doesn’t at least make some gains this time around, then it’s likely means the end of Michael Martin’s leadership.

Victories in two by-elections last year suggest momentum is slowly swinging behind the party, though it is unlikely that they’ll secure enough seats for an outright majority. What this means for them when the dust settles is unclear. Both they and Fine Gael have repeatedly ruled out coalitions involving Sinn Féin, so whether they’ll aim to renew the existing confidence-and-supply arrangement, or try to secure a centre-left ‘Rainbow Coalition’ – made up of Fianna Faíl, Labour, the Greens and others – is unknown.

Whilst many Labour members may be more comfortable with this idea, given their party’s history of being everyone’s favourite coalition partners, some younger, more radical members of the Greens in particular have expressed either scepticism or outright hostility towards the idea.

Finally, it’s worth considering what this all could mean for ‘the North’. It could mean absolutely nothing at all if a new confidence-and-supply arrangement comes into place. Fianna Fáil would likely be the governing party in that scenario, so perhaps we’d see greater cross-border cooperation due to a combination of both Brexit and the party’s links with the SDLP. Other than that, the implications wouldn’t be entirely profound.

However, if Sinn Féin did form part of a governing coalition – which, given politicians and their reputation with promises, can’t be ruled out – there could be a very interesting shift in North-South dynamics. Sinn Féin would be in government in both the Dáil and Stormont, which could lead to greater and more frequent cooperation on a whole host of issues beyond Brexit. The implications for Irish unity would also be greater.

Whilst all parties in the Republic are technically in favour of reunification, Fíanna Fáil likes to style itself as ‘more republican’ in nature than Fine Gael; a governing coalition of some kind between themselves and Sinn Feéin would certainly increase discussions surrounding Irish unity, not to mention present possible complications when commemorating the Irish Civil War.

Elections in the Republic have in recent years become harder to predict, and many in Northern Ireland barely pay much heed to their results. Opinion polls can give you an insight, but the issue of transfers under an STV system complicates matters; just because one party may lead in the polls doesn’t necessarily mean they’ll win an outright majority, especially if that polling lead is slim.

Ireland is now slowly experiencing what many other countries around the globe have experienced since 2014: a loosening of party loyalties, a disgruntled youth eager for action on climate change, and sadly, the slow but noticeable rise of a conspiratorial far-right that seeks to blame migrants and minorities for the country’s socio-economic woes.

Whatever the result, this new Irish government will have to contend with a post-Brexit UK led by Boris Johnson, changes in OECD tax law, and a Stormont where unionists are nervously looking over their shoulder as the prospect of a unity referendum comes into view.

Interesting times lie ahead, so keep one eye on what happens on February 8th.