In and out of government, and in and out of talks. In, out, in, out. Does the average voter really understand or care what Stormont crises are all about anymore?

This week sees another attempt by political parties here to find a solution to the political deadlock at Stormont. After much wrangling, the DUP and UUP have agreed to attend.

What started out as a crisis questioning the existence, role and structure of the supposed defunct Provisional IRA, and Sinn Féin’s alleged connections to this organisation which it said had gone away, it escalated almost uncontrollably due to unionist party infighting.

After unionist over-reactions and ministerial resignations, the British government is to install a mechanism for inspecting paramilitary activity, yet it is difficult to imagine that a 6-week investigation will tell our police service anything that it does not know already.

What the current stand-off between Mike Nesbitt’s Ulster Unionists and Peter Robinson’s DUP has shown is that capital “U” unionist parties have run out of ideas. Bravado and show-time politics dominate, not policy.

The role of government, how the country should be run, and what Northern Ireland’s role should be in the United Kingdom, Ireland and the world are forever relegated on these parties’ must-consider lists.

Despite the Union being more secure than ever – only referendums on both sides of the Irish border can change the constitutional situation, and opinion polls demonstrate a lack of support for change – capital “U” unionist politicians have shown themselves incapable, even unwilling, of getting on with the business of governing.

A political standpoint originally built upon economic and social arguments in too many cases today boils down to enmity; capital “U” unionists verses the rest.

The DUP’s tactic of MLAs each week taking up and resigning ministerial offices demonstrates how the responsibilities and opportunities that come with power rank second to the competition for and occupation of power.

Last week, Health Minister Simon Hamilton boasted that before resigning from his post – for the second week running – he sanctioned the release of public funds for medical drugs.

This is tidying up loose ends, not political leadership. In what direction is Northern Ireland’s Health department going, exactly? Surely, then, any other party or elected representative could do this job?

Make no mistake: even before this latest crisis at Stormont, previous deadlock had resulted – and continues – from Sinn Féin’s dramatic u-turn on welfare reform which was a significant aspect of the Stormont House Agreement.

In Northern Ireland more and more would-be voters may be turning their backs on politicians, but there are plenty of good people on both “sides” who still do vote and still crave an alternative platform that may appeal to those of all backgrounds and interests.

Just as many Sinn Féin voters now acknowledge that party political advancement in the Irish Republic is coming before effective governance in Northern Ireland, those voters who describe themselves as unionists deserve more than politicians whom define themselves by what they are against rather than what they are for.