Why not support the Alliance Party? As an outsider with insight into Northern Ireland and an interest in its future, this question is a ‘no-brainer’.

This north-eastern corner of the island has been plagued by duelling nationalisms for several centuries – different ‘tribes’, hoisting different flags, plaited with different colours, competing for control. To me, it’s simple:  Diminish oppositional attitudes, shake a few hands and move on towards a more positive and shared future. All too easy for me to say, not being invested in the victory of either side. But, few would question the appeal of this viewpoint.

After attending Alliance’s 2019 Party Conference at the weekend, one common theme was apparent to me – pragmatism. It was refreshing to hear from so many able politicians, councillors and party supporters on how to positively address Northern Ireland’s future. It was especially illuminating to experience a discussion without any of the ‘-isms’ that often scourge the country’s political discourse. The day was characterised by a motivating and affirmative tone, despite the UK’s current political state. I would hope that even the most ‘battle-hardened’ people can at least see some benefits to Alliance’s approach. It would not surprise me if many in Northern Ireland would identify with such a party were they discussing someone else’s conflict.

So, why not here?


The Alliance Party: 2019

The conference commenced with a speech by Party President, Gerardine Mulvenna, highlighting topics of relevance to upcoming elections including ‘Brexit’, shared communities, business and tourism, the environment, mental health, the Belfast City Deal and the re-generation of communities. This year’s party slogan, “Demand Better”, encourages citizens, under their own volition, to better their communities and livelihoods. Mulvenna accurately acknowledged growing frustration and disinterest in politics in the region.

Councillor Nuala McAllister then chaired the first panel discussion, headed by industry leaders.

There was consensus across the board on the need for collaboration, whether cross-community, cross-border or across different sectors. Bill Wolsey (Beannchor) expressed frustration in that there is little ‘joint-thinking’ between industry and politics in Northern Ireland. A vehemently pro-European party, the entire panel displayed their disgust in the British Government and DUP’s rejection of the Withdrawal Agreement, a deal that “would not have just benefitted Northern Ireland, but the whole of the UK and Ireland.”

Glyn Roberts (Retail NI) concentrated on the regeneration of High Streets across Northern Ireland. Raffaella Folli (Ulster University) summed up the panel’s joint enthusiasm for the Belfast City Deal, by stating that the keys to success for any city is to create “vibrant cultural life, showcase talent and invest in infrastructure and buildings that encourage cultural exchange.”

There was agreement that Northern Irish representation (or lack thereof) locally and in Westminster was doing little to make Belfast competitive regionally and that the city should be competing with similarly-sized cities across these islands. This was a criticism both of Stormont and of Belfast City Council. The extinction of functional politics is resulting in economic policies and business rates that hinder growth, rather than help it. The panel argued that devolved powers not only need to be restored, but extended to local councils so that they may have autonomy over economic decisions.

The second panel of the day was chaired by Councillor Andrew Muir and included candidates and councillors across Northern Ireland.

Not surprisingly, much of the ‘party bashing’ was directed towards the DUP. Sure, Sinn Féin and the other ‘conflict parties’ were mentioned. However, specific grievances were only reserved for the DUP and, generally, towards social conservativism and unionism.

Andrew Muir stated, “Dealing with the DUP is like running an ultra-marathon in gale force winds, while being pelted by hail stones.”

Ross McMullan (Ormiston) addressed Northern Ireland’s predisposition to ‘tribalism’ and that we ought to fight against the temptation to define ourselves by what Andy McMurray described as the badges “of demarcation that this society imposes upon us.” Vicky McAuley (Airport) echoed this message by stating that integrated education is the way forward, with Stephen Donnelly commenting, “Institutional segregation should have been binned long ago!”

Several party members stated that political partnerships, such as DUP-Tory and SDLP-Fianna Fáil, only further divide society, rather than reconcile it. It is “across-the-board collaboration” that Alliance seeks. As Connie Egan explained, “The future of Northern Ireland is not orange and green” and that it also cannot exist in isolation of Britain, Ireland or Europe.

Egan proposed some ideas for her Bangor West constituency on how to address environmental issues, stating that she wanted to lead her constituency to be more ‘carbon-neutral’ and eventually ‘plastic-free’. Other than blanket ‘pro-environment’ statements, there were very few suggestions on how to address climate change, outside of Egan’s remarks.

Many of the candidates, as well as the mental health panel later in the day, shed light on Northern Ireland’s growing mental health issues and general under-performance of the country’s health system. Candidates also addressed the need for an education system that provided young people the tools to succeed in Northern Ireland’s 21stcentury economy.

“We are training our young people for jobs that don’t exist,” claimed Nuala McAllister.

The day was very Belfast-centric. Understandably so, as Alliance has very little rural representation. As Gary English, Alliance candidate for Ballyclare, put it, “The party is Belfast dominated, but are working hard to grow across Northern Ireland and represent communities in every area.” Despite panellists briefly mentioning city deals in other areas, concrete plans mainly pertained to Belfast.

On other issues, marriage equality was well-supported. Generally, candidates addressed the issues that they were expected to, practically and eloquently.

Stephen Farry, deputy leader, addresses the conference

Leadership

The day was wrapped up by speeches by two of Northern Ireland’s most capable politicians: the party’s deputy leader, Stephen Farry, and its leader, Naomi Long. Farry commented that populism, a lack of evidence-based narratives and cronyism were afflicting cultures across the Western World and that Northern Ireland was no exception. He claimed that we were seeing “the depletion of statutory services, undermining of economic policies and the erosion of the pillars of society.”

He characterised Brexit as a self-inflicted wound fuelled by a populism that had little to do with EU membership, but with a nostalgia for what Naomi Long described as “a glorified past that never truly existed.” The DUP’s anti-backstop stance and Karen Bradley’s ineptitude as Secretary of State only went to exasperate these issues.

Farry rightly noted that Northern Ireland lags behind both Ireland and the rest of the UK socioeconomically and that the rejection of the Withdrawal Agreement denied Northern Ireland a historic opportunity to not only bridge this gap, but also to become ‘The Bridge’ between the EU and UK, economically. Calls for a second Brexit referendum were made, with support secondarily for the original Withdrawal Agreement proposed by the EU. The party unanimously stated that the worst case scenario is a ‘no deal’.

Describing current times as uncertain, Farry characterised a ‘no deal’ as such: “Going over the cliff edge may be fairly certain. It is also fairly terminal.”

He stated the DUPs rejection of the backstop only goes to show how at odds its policies are with the business community, if not society at large. Centrist approaches have all but been abandoned since ‘Brexit’. The vile nature of politics across both islands make it “hard to envisage how the Good Friday Agreement could be made today.”

Naomi Long, indeed the entire party, implored the assembly to resume, a sentiment strangely missing from public discourse from the two major parties, despite the fact that running a government is in their basic job description. She went as far to say that any parties hindering this from happening should cease to be paid until Stormont is restored. Restoration would require an independent chair to settle its differences and the assembly would subsequently require significant reform.

Long concluded the day, re-summarising the ethos of the party with this message: “Each of us are from different backgrounds, but what unites us is our commitment to Alliance and the promotion of community development. When Alliance wins, the people of Northern Ireland win, too! Better is possible, but it is not inevitable – Demand better!”

 

Analysis

Andy McMurray described opposition to Alliance best: “The rhetoric about Alliance is that you’re either ‘not unionist enough’ or ‘not nationalist enough.’” He went on to say how important it is that Alliance members maintain their integrity and hold steadfast to the party’s values in spite of alienation from all sides.

I have personally heard many, many successful, middle-class types say, “There is no practically-minded, pro-business party in Northern Ireland that represents me and my interests!”

Is that true? That seems to be exactly what Alliance is.

In fact, the only thing the Alliance Party seems impractical about is its expectation of society to be practical. At a People Before Profit panel discussion last year at Queen’s University, unionist commentator, Alex Kane, had some very practical advice for the audience (paraphrased): “Politics are emotional. They are not rational.”

Unfortunately, this is probably even truer in a divided society. That being said, you can’t fault Alliance for trying.

Perhaps, too, Alliance’s pro-business stance and links to moderate unionism may put off some of nationalism’s labour sentiments. It’s doubtful that it will appeal to some of Republicanism’s socialist wings or unionism’s conservative nature. It certainly isn’t the first party to appeal to young progressives.

But, again, this analysis is rooted in pragmatism.

Reality in Ireland, North and South, has dictated that despite what parties may claim ideologically, liberal economic values aren’t going anywhere any time soon, no matter who is in power. Whether you are a fortune 500 company or a charity, all organisations live and die by money and capital. According to the Alliance Party, Northern Ireland spends just short of £1 billion a year addressing sectarianism. Imagine if that wasn’t so.

For that not to be so, however, people across the communal divide would have to adopt something akin to Alliance values, wouldn’t they?

To attract more young voters, Alliance will need to strengthen its progressive narratives and highlight real strategies to tackle issues such as the environment, income inequality and low wages and become a front-runner on social issues. These are the concerns of the next generation. I am not saying it doesn’t ascribe to these values, but I am saying it is not perceived to be doing as much as it could to defend them.

The conference was highly centred on businesses, but not on the betterment of the employees that create business. Yes, job creation was addressed, but the dignity and liveable wage of the worker was not. If it can accomplish these things, Alliance will appeal to a youth that do want to move on from the past.

The conference saw a young, vibrant room, accompanied by some savvy political veterans, which was also filled with the promise of a less-divided, more vibrant and richer Northern Ireland. Nine out of ten young people I meet say, “I don’t care about green and orange, I just want to get on with things.”

It then begs the question: If Northern Ireland’s future isn’t green or orange, could it be yellow?

Naomi Long, party leader, received an enthusiastic reception