As the sands of Irish politics continue to shift in the context of Brexit and rumblings of talks about talks between the DUP and Sinn Féin on the restoration of devolution emerge, some focus will undoubtedly come back to the role of the SDLP (and indeed, the UUP) in political life in Northern Ireland.

Ahead of its party conference back in the Spring, musings of a potential merger with Fianna Fáil featured in the Belfast Telegraph. It’s important to note that this not a new revelation – there are some in the party that have favoured this move for many years. Generally speaking, those people consider the party as a means to an end, rather than an end in itself, with that end being a United Ireland. 

The rationale for doing so generally falls into two categories of thought: firstly, that the party’s nationalist credentials are weakened by its lack of all-Ireland presence; and secondly, that its electoral challenges necessitate the change as a platform to challenge Sinn Féin.

For my part, I firmly believe that these propositions actually reinforce, rather than diminish, the need for the SDLP in Northern Ireland. There is, in my view, a clear opportunity for the party to redefine itself and mount a credible electoral comeback.

It is worth briefly interrogating some of perceived challenges the party faces in more detail before outlining what I believe to be the two principle reasons why it is a crucial player in Northern Irish political life.

Firstly, it is important to consider the party’s electoral trends in context, and understand in more detail some of the nuances behind its position in comparison to Sinn Féin. The popular explanation is that at some stage in the last fifteen years, lots of people simply stopped voting for the SDLP and started voting for Sinn Féin. Whilst there is undoubtedly some truth to this, it is by no means the only, or most important, factor and indeed there is little evidence to support the view that it is.

Historically, the SDLP had, and continues to have, a disproportionately ageing electorate in comparison to Sinn Féin. Furthermore, a significant portion of the current electorate (those between 18-35) will have become eligible to vote since the final Provisional IRA ceasefire in 2005 and since Sinn Féin voted to endorse the PSNI in 2007 meaning many new generation voters will have experience of Sinn Féin in a post-IRA context. As such, many SDLP voters literally died in a generational shift that also saw many new Sinn Féin voters. Therefore, there is only a partial direct causal link between an SDLP decline and a Sinn Féin rise.

On a more existential level, an institutional resentment of Sinn Féin’s electoral success, leading to a natural tendency to “Sinn Féin bash”, and a lack of robust understanding of changing electoral trends has meant the party has found it difficult to positively and proactively define itself in the post-Good Friday Agreement area, particularly after the Assembly suspensions of the early 2000s.

So, what of the principal reasons why the SDLP should stick around, and where are the opportunities for progress?

The first reason is that the party is good for Irish nationalism, and more specifically the case for Irish unity.

Nationalism is not a single uniform group of people. Consecutive social attitudes surveys show that it is diverse and there are degrees to which people within it place importance on constitutional change in Ireland let alone have differences of opinion on other domestic policy issues such as education, health etc.

It logically follows that there is no reason why there can’t be more than one nationalist party – arguably it makes the project richer. Given that the Sinn Féin vote stands at 17% of the electorate (2017), there are clearly opportunities elsewhere. But why the SDLP rather than Fianna Fáil?

The SDLP brand, and its brand of nationalism, is much less offensive to unionists and those more agnostic on the question of constitution because the party’s entire heritage is predicated on respect for difference and political accommodation. This has both important implications for credibly persuading “non-nationalists”, who are distrustful of Sinn Féin of the benefits of a United Ireland and continuing to attract first preference votes and transfers from non-nationalist voters in Assembly elections. Considering the history of Fianna Fáil and its lack of brand awareness in Northern Ireland, it is difficult to see how it could assume these roles.

The second reason is that the party is good for Northern Ireland. The SDLP is founded on the principles of political accommodation and has strong credentials in this regard – its politics occupies the “centre ground” and provides a home for nationalists who do not wish to vote for Sinn Féin and non-nationalists. 

If you take a step back, the party has, what should be, an attractive brand for young people.

It has a brand steeped in a positive history and civil rights with towering figures like John Hume, Seamus Mallon and Brid Rodgers. Its recent change on abortion policy can make it a more attractive proposition for young people who previously may have found that a barrier. Its commitment to political accommodation and non-violence gives it a unique selling point and moral authority that cannot be taken by Sinn Féin. It arguably has the most talented and dynamic Assembly team the party has seen in a long time led by Colum Eastwood and Nichola Mallon. In short, there are a lot of positives from which to build

The question is where to start.

My view is that it is “back to basics”. The core principles of the party are sound, they just need to be taken and applied in a new context, given new relevance and communicated to the right audience in a compelling way. This starts with getting out of the shadow of Sinn Féin and defining the party on what it is for, rather than what it is against. 

The simple truth is that it is impossible to “out Green” Sinn Féin in a Northern Ireland context, even for a prospective Northern Fianna Fáil party. So, why try? Why does it matter that the SDLP is not an all island party when it doesn’t actually mean there are less nationalists overall, albeit voting for different parties? Of course, it is also perfectly possible that a departure of the SDLP and the arrival of Fianna Fáil would not have the desired effect. Many SDLP voters could see Alliance is a better fit for them, leaving Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil left to fight over the same group of hardened nationalists.

Despite the challenges the party has faced over the years, the current period of profound polarisation we are experiencing is exactly the reason why Northern Ireland needs the SDLP and not Fianna Fáil. With a refocus and some self-assertiveness, the current leadership has the ability to return the project to its former glory. For the good of Northern Ireland, and Irish nationalism, here’s hoping they do.