The label ‘Alt-Right’ has become more prevalent in recent years as public awareness of this political worldview has increased. Not too long ago only the denizens of obscure Internet forums were familiar with the term, but following the rise of certain political figures and the events of Charlottesville in 2017, the group as gained widespread notoriety. That being said, it is still difficult to find an accurate description of this elusive political tribe and what it believes.

Jeffrey Tucker showcases in his book Right Wing Collectivism: The Other Threat to Liberty that this group is essentially a revamped form of fascism. While it has certain unique characteristics that distinguish it from traditional far-right groups, this label is plausible. Tucker states that he read approximately 200 books as research for this work, and was able to trace the intellectual path from contemporary white-nationalists back 200 years to where he believes it all started: the works of German philosopher G. F. Hegel. This 18th and 19th century thinker was so influential that the author even dubs fascism as ‘Right Hegelianism’. As an interesting side note, Tucker dubs Marxism as ‘Left Hegelianism’, explaining that the dissenting wing of the Hegelians would eventually culminate in the Communists.

The author is the editorial director of the American Institute for Economic Research, a laissez-faire free market think-tank, so it’s fair to say that his work isn’t coming from a purely objective position. Tucker identifies as an anarcho-capitalist but he is upfront from the outset that he aligns with neither the Left nor the Right. Despite the title and theme of the book, he is as equally critical of the Democrats as the GOP.

Portions of Tucker’s scrutiny and his recommendations will almost certainly be contentious and perhaps even offensive to some readers, yet this should not deter those who are curious. Regardless of whether you agree with the author’s suggestions on how to combat this problem, he undoubtedly provides a comprehensive analysis of the intellectual lineage of fascism.

Tucker breaks up his work into five sections. The first outlines the contemporary political landscape (up to 2017) and the pivotal events of Charlottesville in August 2017. Specifically, he describes the gathering of far-Right groups under the banner of ‘Unite the Right’ and the subsequent violence that followed. This was a critical moment as it was the first time the Alt-Right stepped out of the internet shadows into the spotlight of mainstream media.

The fallout from this mayhem had both positive and negative consequences from the group’s perspective. On the one hand they got the attention they desperately wanted, but on the other, there was undeniably a sharp backlash to the movement. Tucker also recounts his first-hand experience of inadvertently having dinner with a person who turned out to be a Nazi when he was a young journalist. What was most chilling about this encounter was how the dinner companion, rather than having the obvious bearing of a hate-filled bigot, was seemingly pleasant, even charming, at first glance. A stark reminder that malevolence can put up a convincing façade of respectability.

The next three chapters examine the Alt-Right’s politics, history and philosophy.

Early on in the politics chapter, Tucker directs his analysis towards President Trump. He does not hold back in his criticism of the 45thPresident and bluntly calls him a fascist. This is not for sake of being controversial as Tucker explains why this is the most accurate label of Trump’s political brand and identifies the different fascistic characteristics he believes the President exhibits. Reflecting on hearing Trump speak live at a rally in 2015, Tucker writes: “I had never before witnessed such a brazen display of nativistic jingoism, along with a complete disregard for economic reality.”

Obviously, Tucker is stating all of this under the assumption that Trump actually means what he says, but it’s worth keeping in mind that other commentators have said that the President is just cynically pandering to the most reactionary elements of the Republican base, and calling him a full-blown fascist is hyperbolic. But Tucker himself suggests that the word ‘fascist’ has been overused to the point of losing its meaning, which is a serious problem if it means we are unable to accurately describe authentically fascist groups. Regardless of whether you think Tucker’s worries are unfounded or not, he provides a concise and pointed indictment of the current US Commander-in-Chief that is worth considering.

As mentioned previously, this isn’t solely a Trump bashing session. Tucker also excoriates the Democratic Party and, in particular, singles out Bernie Sanders, whose worldview he sees as parallel to Trump’s. The differences in opinion between the two men, in Tucker’s opinion, are merely “tweaks and idiosyncrasies in an overarching system on which they both agree: the nation state as the central organizing unit of life itself.” The author carries out this assessment whilst comparing what he calls the “two flavours of tyranny”: fascism and communism, the two camps he believes both men are respectively closer to than any variety of liberalism.

While this is a controversial viewpoint, readers should carry on to (or at least skip to) the next two chapters. The information presented is an incredibly comprehensive analysis of the foundational values and key figures within fascist ideology.

The next chapter addresses the deeper history of fascism, specifically detailing its core ideals and their consequences. A large portion of this revolves around the subject of eugenics – something that is strictly taboo today but was openly endorsed by academics and politicians across Europe and America at the beginning of the 20thCentury. What’s more, Tucker reveals how major economic and social policies were heavily influenced by the eugenics movement.

Many of the eugenics policies adopted in the Third Reich came directly from observing similar policies in America, such as segregation and forced sterilisation. What stood out in particular here was the unsettling history of IQ testing, an issue the Alt-Right is obsessed with. These tests did not originate from the good intentions of wanting to help the intellectually disabled. Instead they were implemented as part of a wider social policy to identify, isolate and eventually eliminate those deemed to be cognitively inferior. The testing system was specifically designed as “weapon of war against the weak.” It’s important to point out that Tucker doesn’t necessarily question the scientific validity of IQ, but he does make it clear that this is a field that should be cautiously navigated given how it has been misused in the past.

The penultimate chapter addresses the philosophy of the fascism. This is perhaps the highlight of the book as Tucker examines the most prolific thinkers within the ideology who have been eclipsed by the tyrants of the early 20thcentury. The fascist movements that arose in the 1920s and 30s didn’t just come into being solely due to anger over economic calamities and the legacy of the First World War. There were pre-existing ideas, planted decades or even centuries prior to these factors, that were waiting to be drawn upon.

An example of a figure who was pivotal in far-right thinking but is largely overlooked (I’d never heard of him) is a Scottish intellectual named Thomas Carlyle. He advocated the “great man” theory of history in his book On Heroes, Hero Worship and the Heroic in History, stating that it was only through the will of titans like Napoleon that civilisation could advance. Furthermore, he lamented the decline of slavery, because if there were no longer any slaves then there wouldn’t be any masters – an abomination to the natural order in his opinion. Tucker even goes as far to say that Carlyle was the “founding father” of modern fascism, inspiring autocrats for decades to come after his death: “[Carlyle] set himself up as the prophet of despotism and the opponent of everything that was called liberal.”

Later Tucker goes deeper into fascist philosophy and lays out the primary motivation. In his view, underlying all the dogma of racial supremacy and jingoism is simply a desire for war for its own sake. The drama that comes from tribal struggle and the elation of conquering foes is what gives life its meaning. Tucker draws upon the example of the famous book and film Fight Clubto illustrate this sentiment. As a remedy to this self-destructive tendency, he suggests that the urge for conflict can be channelled into capitalism via business and entrepreneurship, citing the ethos of another famous book Atlas Shruggedas a blueprint. Bold, unashamed capitalism, he argues, can defuse tribalistic aggression and provide us the drama and excitement we crave without bloodshed.

While certainly an astute diagnosis, the remedy is a stretch. It’s true that the human need for struggle will always bring the risk of warmongering, but to say that this instinct can be simply redirected towards capitalism is unrealistic. Tucker’s proposal is at best a partial solution and at worse, utopian. Moreover, Tucker’s interpretation of Fight Club is somewhat simplistic and it’s worth noting that the reason the narrator establishes the underground organisation in the story is out of rebellion against consumerism, a product of capitalism. (For more on this issue see this recent Northern Slant piece on the limitations of capitalism).

In the final chapter, Tucker presents his predictions for the future. His speculations are thought-provoking, even if you don’t entirely agree with them. He’s sceptical that there will be an effective left-wing backlash against Trump, stating that the Democrats do not have a coherent strategy to counter the mass far-right resentment that has built up over recent years. There are three options available – which are not mutually exclusive per se if disaster is to be avoided. Summarised, they are:

  1. The Left has to embrace free markets;
  2. The Right has to let go its affinity for militarism and ultra-nationalism;
  3. A new movement must be started that is committed to “a classical form of liberalism.”

Additionally, Tucker details how the failure of major Western institutions led to this current predicament. They all failed in one of three ways: they were financially unsustainable, terminally inefficient or morally offensive. As a result, public consent to the governing class has been withdrawn, causing widespread tension and instability. Yet, Tucker warns that these institutions are not being destroyed, they are instead being repurposed. He specifically identifies former Presidential advisor Steve Bannon, who he describes as “a dark figure-straight out of Orwell,” as one of the main architects behind this vision. Tucker is direct with his grim analysis: “The institutions build by the paternalistic, urbane, and deeply smug social democrats are being captured by interests and values with which they profoundly disagree. They had better get used to it. This is just the beginning”.

On a final, more hopeful note, Tucker states that now is the time for true liberals to fill the void that has been left out by the failings of the Left and Right, and he is particularly hopeful that the Libertarian Party in the US will make great inroads in the next few years. He encourages readers to actively seek to take back the word ‘liberal’ and bring it back to its classical roots represented in thinkers like Adam Smith, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Freidman.

Overall, this a good examination of the Alt-Right movement, giving extensive detail of its character, heritage and motivations. However, what would have enhanced the book would have been a chapter or even a few pages addressing the current thought leaders of the movement, such as Richard Spencer and Jared Taylor. As a result, this omission pushes the book more towards historical analysis that current political commentary. Additionally, it would have been interesting if there was a chapter on what the Alt-Right would do if it achieved real political power and what actual policies its proponents would implement. But, admittedly, this could side-track the book’s main purpose of profiling the movement.

Whether you agree with Tucker’s analysis and his recommendations to address this political turmoil will vary depending on your own political stance. However, he undoubtedly provides an excellent overview on the philosophical origins of fascism. This book is certainly a vital resource for anyone interested in political science or modern history, though what makes it more important is, as Tucker highlights earlier, the word ‘fascism’ has largely become “a swear word with no real substance.” It is important to remember that this indeed is a real belief system that poses a real threat to humanity and to casually invoke the ideology without understanding it is foolish.

Right-Wing Collectivism: The Other Threat to Liberty by Jeffrey Tucker (2017) is published by the Foundation for Economic Education.

 

For further information, Tucker discussed his book at length in an interview with Dave Rubin: