The recent impasse in Northern Ireland has led to polarisation on a scale not seen for many years.  We have seen dubious comments from MLAs such as Gerry Kelly questioning whether ‘bigotry against the Irish language is endemic to unionist ideology’, while Declan Kearney tells us that the cultural war that Sinn Féin has been waging on our community for the last decade is a figment of our imagination.  With much misinformation doing the rounds it is perhaps wise to reflect on how exactly we got to where we are today. 

Sinn Féin originally collapsed the Assembly in December 2016, arguing that Arlene Foster should stand aside until the investigation into the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) had been completed.  Upon refusing to do so, Foster vehemently exclaimed her innocence; a decision that was somewhat vindicated on her re-election as First Minister.  Sinn Féin subsequently shifted the focus from RHI to an Irish Language Act, making it difficult for unionists to see this demand as anything less than sour grapes and political point-scoring. 

Nonetheless it is clear there are some genuine concerns around language and culture across the political spectrum.  When I hear nationalists speaking of their need for protection and recognition, I can see that many of these concerns are genuine and should not be dismissed out of hand, particularly when the concerns are somewhat mirrored in our own community in terms of our own culture.  But holding the country to ransom over a demand that Sinn Féin have not once attempted to legislate for during the last ten years is less sustainable. 

Given the serious concerns around ‘On the Run’ letters it seems reasonable to expect some opposition to dubious agreements made behind closed doors.  Add to this how Sinn Féin have approached the issue and there is a recipe for some serious incongruity. Expecting the DUP to betray the strongly-held views of a large section of their electorate on demand in order to legislate for an Act to which they argue they never acceded to begin with, is questionable. 

Arlene Foster’s comments referring to ‘feeding the crocodile’ were clearly ill-conceived, but there is a genuine fear that even if we reach agreement on this occasion there is nothing to stop Sinn Féin from taking the same action in future.  While perhaps this could be addressed by replacing mandatory coalition with voluntary coalition, I have heard a key elected figure within unionism questioning the removal of a protection that we ourselves may require at some stage in the more distant future. 

With this in mind it seems likely our system of government will continue to be sustained purely on goodwill and mutual respect.  Actions like Paul Givan’s removal of Líofa funding do not help in this regard, as they did not when Carál Ní Chuilin cut funding for musical instruments for bands the previous year.  It should be remembered that peace is more than just the absence of violence, and anyone who denies the existence of a cultural war either needs to do a bit more reading or to take a long look in the mirror. 

I was content to sign the letter from ‘civic unionism’ in recent weeks calling for an inclusive debate around rights.  I have my own concerns around rights, not just around cultural rights for my own community but also around socio-economic rights for those who continue to suffer from deprivation and underachievement in many of our communities in Northern Ireland.  That these issues remain unaddressed for so many years stands in stark contrast to recognition among academics and practitioners that these are key factors leading to conflict and its potential resurgence. 

The question remains, what kind of a society do we want to build?  Sinn Féin need to reflect on their own role in creating this stalemate, and perhaps as a society we all need to reflect on the efforts it has taken to get us to the relative peace we enjoy today.