The people of Northern Ireland are again kept in suspense of a possible agreement between Sinn Féin and the DUP. Our talks processes are always closed door affairs. We’re never privy to what goes on; instead we rely on Chinese whispers. Encouraged by talk of “progress” and “movement,” and then frequently dismayed when the response to our positivity is “still some distance to go,” politics here is a real rollercoaster.

The problem is, we’ve been here before – several times. Good Friday, St Andrews, Stormont House. All follow the same pattern. All begin with much promise, then crash and burn over the smallest of things.

Don’t kid yourself that the Executive failed because of ‘RHI’, ‘DUP cronyism’, or Irish language policy; it failed because of what it always comes down to: a power play.

Last year Sinn Féin saw its prospects fading both North and South of the border and had to take action. The party used the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) scandal to brilliant effect, tearing down the structures of the Assembly and forcing a fresh elections to awaken a previously disinterested nationalist community. Under the Irish Language, ‘respect’ and ‘equality’ mantra, the party very nearly became the largest in the Assembly, closing the gap with the DUP to just one seat (holding 28 and 27 seats respectively).

However, now that RHI has faded away for now, the DUP have shrugged off any damage it incurred to emerge with the largest vote share of any Northern Ireland party in recent times, winning 10 seats in the June’s General election. The party is so crucial to Westminster’s Conservative government that DUP politicking could secure £1.4bn extra funding for Northern Ireland. Analysts suggest the DUP could win back many of the seats lost last time in another Assembly election.

Sinn Féin are now cornered in negotiations. They can’t be seen to backtrack on their demands for Irish language or equal marriage, as it will hurt their image in the South. In turn, the DUP will not accept their demands because there is no stomach for further concessions either in the party or in the wider unionist community. It is perhaps ironic that Sinn Féin’s stance has actually made Irish language provision and equal marriage less likely than before. In reality, many unionists aren’t as staunchly opposed to either of these demands as their representatives imply, but they’re wholly against Sinn Féin getting every demand they issue.

This leaves us stuck. The Good Friday Agreement and its successor at St Andrews require mandatory coalition between at least two parties. These parties simply can’t work together due to SF’s red line demands.

So, should we look again at what type of system we should use for the exercise of devolved power here? Would a voluntary system work better? Jim Allister of the TUV was scoffed at for many years suggesting this. Now with the prospect of a prolonged suspension of the Assembly, his alternative gains legitimacy. It would bring us closer to more normalised politics here, since most western governments are formed using voluntary coalitions. Look to Germany and New Zealand; both are currently in talks with parties to agree a coalition. A plethora of parties all with different political viewpoints, all in a race to form a government.

In Northern Ireland, we could maybe benefit from re-thinking the Good Friday Agreement. Talks, international intervention, referendum, etc. all likely need to happen to settle its implementation. Remember that our system was only ever meant to be temporary. Mandatory coalition, petitions of concern, D’Hondt, were all intended to be revisited and revised at an appropriate time.

Yes it will take a hell of a lot of effort, but in a time shaped by Brexit and our future outside the EU, we urgently need stable government in Northern Ireland. Maybe this fundamental re-think is what it would take to achieve it.